Why We Strike

The Facts. The Money. The Playbook.

$402.8M Admin spending
$111M Actionable savings identified
97.6% Strike authorization
101/101 financial claims independently verified
1

The Deal at a Glance

What the district offers

Salary, Health Coverage & Committees

2% annual salary increase for 3 years (6% total)
Year 3 (2027-28) has "trigger language" — conditional on fiscal benchmarks.
$80K teacher → ~$1,600/yr $55K classified → ~$1,100/yr
Classified staff also receive a $2.00/hour increase on all salary schedule cells.
Dependent health coverage (two options)
Option A: 75% of Kaiser Employee+2 rate, starting July 2026
Option B: $24,000/year benefits allowance, starting Jan 2027
Funded by redirecting parcel tax money (QTEA/FWEA). Placed in a side MOU, not the contract.
SpEd workload pilot at 5 schools
3 elementary, 1 middle, 1 high school. Data collection to evaluate scalability.
Joint committees
Classified compensation review, contracting out review, AI working group.
Fund balance bonus
If unrestricted reserves exceed $50M after FY2028, the excess is distributed to employees by FTE.
What the district wants in return

Contract Provisions to Eliminate

×
AP Prep periods Article 7
Additional preparation time for teachers of Advanced Placement courses.
×
Paid Sabbatical Leave Article 10
Leave for study or travel that benefits schools and students.
×
Dept. Head Preps & Stipends Article 32
Additional prep periods and compensation for department leadership.
×
Enforceable Class Size Limits Article 9
Replaced with non-enforceable "goals." You lose the right to grieve overcrowded classrooms.
Bimonthly pay for classified
All classified staff switch to bimonthly pay schedule (Frontline system).

Three Positions Compared

Issue UESF Proposed Fact-Finding Recommended District Offered
Certificated Raises 9% over 2 years 6% over 2 years (3%/yr) 6% over 3 years (2%/yr, Year 3 conditional)
Classified Raises 14% over 2 years + 35‑hr week 6% over 2 years (3%/yr) 6% over 3 years + $2/hr cell increase
Health Benefits Fully funded at Kaiser family rate Parcel tax as temp bridge 75% Kaiser E+2 OR $24K allowance — via side MOU
Class Size Maintain current caps Maintain current language Change to non-enforceable "goal"
SpEd Workload District-wide workload model Pilot at 5 schools Pilot at 5 schools
Sanctuary In the contract (CBA) Outside the CBA Outside the CBA (resolution)
Shelter / Housing Protect Stay-Over Program Not addressed Not addressed
Sabbaticals Keep current contract Not addressed Eliminate
AP Preps Keep current contract Not addressed Eliminate
Dept Head Preps & Stipends Keep current contract Not addressed Eliminate
The independent fact-finding panel recommended more than the district is offering on wages (3%/year vs. 2%/year) and a shorter timeline (2 years vs. 3). The district's current offer falls below the neutral panel's own recommendation.
2

The Fine Print

Key term

"Trigger Language" on Year 3 Raise

"Trigger language" means the 2027-28 raise is conditional — it only happens if the district meets specific fiscal benchmarks. Given SFUSD's projected deficits ($51M in 25-26, $32M in 26-27, $19M in 27-28), the third-year raise is not guaranteed. The effective raise could be 4% over 3 years, not 6%.

Follow the money

Parcel Tax Funding for Health Benefits

The district proposes funding health coverage by redirecting QTEA and FWEA parcel tax money:

  • QTEA expires June 30, 2028 — just 2.5 years away. That's ~$50.6M/year in revenue that disappears unless voters renew it.
  • These funds currently support teacher salary increases. Redirecting them to health benefits means less money for salaries.
  • Health benefits would be in a side MOU, not the collective bargaining agreement. An MOU is easier to modify or end than contract language.
Words matter

Class Size: "Goal" vs. "Cap"

The district wants to change class size from an enforceable cap to an aspirational "goal." This sounds minor, but the practical difference is enormous:

Hard cap (current)
If your class exceeds the limit, you can file a grievance and get a remedy.
vs.
Goal (proposed)
If your class exceeds the number, there's no violation, no grievance, no remedy. The district just reports data.

State law (Ed Code 41376) sets a floor of 30-33 students depending on grade — far higher than typical contractual caps of 20-25.

Legal distinction

Sanctuary: Resolution vs. Contract

The district proposes sanctuary protections as a "joint resolution" outside the CBA:

  • A resolution can be unilaterally rescinded by a future Board of Education — without bargaining.
  • Contract language gives you grievance rights if violated. A resolution does not.
  • State law (AB 699) already requires districts to have sanctuary policies. The proposal formalizes what's already legally required without adding new protections.
  • The proposal includes 3 hours/year of professional development on these topics.
Scope question

Special Education: Pilot, Not Reform

The district proposes a workload support pilot at 5 schools — not district-wide reform:

  • AB 560 (effective July 2026) reduces the statewide SpEd caseload cap from 28 to 20 students — this is mandatory and district-wide, regardless of any pilot.
  • The pilot's stated purpose is to "evaluate effectiveness, scalability, and cost" — meaning any district-wide changes are years away.
  • UESF proposed a district-wide workload model. The district is offering data collection at 5 sites.
Follow the money

Healthcare: Side MOU, Not Contract

The dependent health coverage — the headline item of the deal — is placed in a side MOU, not the collective bargaining agreement. This matters because:

  • An MOU can be modified or terminated more easily than contract language.
  • Contract language carries full grievance and arbitration rights. An MOU may not.
  • The funding source (parcel tax) has a built-in expiration date — QTEA ends in 2028.
!

What's Not in This Deal

The district says it can't afford better.

The numbers say otherwise. What follows is a forensic analysis of where SFUSD's money actually goes — and where $111 million in actionable savings can be found.

3

Follow the Money

Administrative Spending vs. Peer Districts

Using FY2024-25 budget data from the California SACS statewide extract, SFUSD's administrative spending is the highest among comparable large urban districts, at 15.1% of total expenditures vs. a peer median of ~10.5%. CDE SACS Data

Admin spending is defined as SACS Function codes 2100–2150 (Instructional Supervision & Admin), 7100–7191 (Board & Superintendent), 7200–7210 (Other General Admin), 7300–7390 (Fiscal Services), 7400–7490 (HR), 7500–7550 (Central Support), 7600 (Other Admin), and 7700 (Data Processing).

DistrictAdmin SpendingTotal ExpendituresAdmin %
San Francisco Unified $402.8M $2,661.0M 15.1%
Los Angeles Unified $2,842.2M $21,560.6M 13.2%
San Jose Unified $116.4M $990.2M 11.8%
Long Beach Unified $287.6M $2,600.2M 11.1%
Sacramento City Unified $178.3M $1,632.3M 10.9%
Fresno Unified $293.6M $3,438.3M 8.5%
San Diego Unified $317.1M $3,947.6M 8.0%
Oakland Unified $140.3M $1,794.3M 7.8%

If SFUSD matched the peer median, it would free up approximately $123M per year. Even closing half the gap would free ~$61M—enough for a 6% raise for all employees.

BLA Findings (January 2023) PDF

Budget Variance: Projections vs. Reality

SFUSD's 1st Interim Reports have systematically understated the General Fund ending balance by tens to hundreds of millions of dollars. PDF

Projected vs. Actual: General Fund Ending Balance

Fiscal Year1st Interim ProjectedActual Ending BalanceDifferenceMiss %
FY2021-22$313.2M$274.7M-$38.5MOver by 14%*
FY2022-23$307.2M$413.3M+$106.1MUnder by 35%
FY2023-24$383.4M$467.9M+$84.5MUnder by 22%
FY2024-25$286.4MTBD

*FY2021-22 was inflated by one-time COVID relief (ESSER) funds. Sources: Projected figures from SACS Form MYPI; actuals from following year's beginning balance.

Out-Year Projections: Even More Wrong

Projected FYFrom Which ReportProjected EndingActual EndingMiss
FY2022-23FY2021-22 1st Interim$325.9M$413.3M+$87.4M
FY2023-24FY2021-22 1st Interim$346.0M$467.9M+$121.9M
FY2023-24FY2022-23 1st Interim$300.8M$467.9M+$167.1M
The pattern is clear: The district projects fiscal catastrophe, then ends the year with tens to hundreds of millions more than projected. Given the track record ($106M miss in FY2022-23, $85M miss in FY2023-24, $167M miss on out-year projections), the current dire projections should be discounted accordingly. [SFUSD 1st Interim Reports]

Historical Surpluses (SACS Actuals)

Fiscal YearRevenueExpendituresNet SurplusNote
FY2020-21$988.8M$923.9M+$64.9MFrom SACS unaudited actuals CDE SACS Data
FY2021-22$1,310.6M$1,162.1M+$148.5MIncludes one-time federal COVID funds CDE SACS Data

The EMPowerSF Debacle: $33.7 Million

2018: SFUSD contracts Infosys/SAP for $13.7M to build "EMPowerSF" payroll/HR system PDF
2019–2022: System never works properly. BLA finds it drove a $13M (28%) increase in Centralized Data Processing costs PDF
2023: District abandons EMPowerSF and contracts Frontline Education for a replacement system (~$20M estimated total)
2026: District proposes forcing classified staff onto Frontline's bimonthly pay system as a contract demand during negotiations
Total waste: $33.7M+ for a payroll system that peers operate for a fraction of the cost. That's equivalent to a 3.3% raise for every employee, thrown away on a failed IT project. PDF

Board-approved vendor payments confirm: Infosys received $5,747,095 and Frontline Education received $2,660,449 in the reporting period. Board Check Registers (Jul–Dec 2025)

Contractor & Vendor Spending

SFUSD paid $226M to 676 outside vendors in the period covered by board-approved warrant data. Board Check Registers (Jul–Dec 2025) The PERB fact-finding panel explicitly stated:

"The District must continue to reduce its reliance on outside consultants and thus reallocate the contracting out funds to programs that directly benefit their employees." PDF

Spending by Category

$226M
All Vendors
(676 vendors)
$47.1M
After-School Programs
(18 vendors)
$38.5M
Transportation
(2 vendors)
$31.3M
Other
(535 vendors)
$21.7M
Healthcare Staffing
(26 vendors)
$21.7M
Food Services
(6 vendors)
$20.1M
IT Consulting
(5 vendors)
$7.5M
Facilities
(8 vendors)
$6.5M
Special Education
(7 vendors)
$6.4M
IT/Consulting
(49 vendors)
$4.8M
IT Equipment
(4 vendors)
$3.9M
Ed-Tech
(6 vendors)
$3.7M
Education Consulting
(2 vendors)
$3.7M
Translation Services
(3 vendors)
$2.7M
IT/Payroll System
(1 vendor)
$2.6M
Social Services
(1 vendor)
$1.1M
Government
(1 vendor)
$949K
Claims Administration
(1 vendor)
$849K
Security
(1 vendor)
$549K
Arts Education
(1 vendor)
$518K
Auditing
(1 vendor)
Peer district comparisons available. Click any vendor row to see what other K-12 districts pay for the same service. Peer data sourced from contract records of comparable districts including Seattle, Dallas ISD, Palo Alto USD, Howard County, Baltimore County, Fulton County, Oakland USD, and 170+ others.
Comparisons shown for IT consulting, healthcare staffing, software, food services, transportation, and other location-independent or service-comparable categories.
#VendorAmountCategory
1 ZUM SERVICES, INC. RENEGOTIABLE $38,374,008 Transportation
2 REVOLUTION FOODS, PBC RENEGOTIABLE $16,100,138 Food Services
3 YMCA OF SAN FRANCISCO FUND-SHIFTABLE $14,369,547 After-School Programs
4 BAY AREA COMMUNITY RESOURCES FUND-SHIFTABLE $10,472,532 After-School Programs
5 GALAXY SOLUTIONS INC. CUTTABLE $7,056,413 IT Consulting
6 MISSION GRADUATES FUND-SHIFTABLE $5,924,049 After-School Programs
7 THE SPEECH PATHOLOGY GROUP REDUCIBLE $5,850,000 Healthcare Staffing
8 INFOSYS CUTTABLE $5,747,095 IT Consulting
9 PROTIVITI GOVERNMENT SERVICES, INC. CUTTABLE $5,550,000 IT Consulting
10 RO HEALTH, INC. REDUCIBLE $4,349,783 Healthcare Staffing

Parcel Tax Accountability

QTEA — Prop A (2008)
~$50.6M /year
Expires June 30, 2028 — 2.5 years away
FWEA — Prop J (2020)
~$53.7M /year
Expires June 30, 2038

Redirecting parcel tax funds to health benefits is legally permissible — both ballot measures authorize spending on "compensation or benefits." But it means:

  1. Money currently supporting your salary would shift to health coverage.
  2. When QTEA expires in 2028, approximately half the funding disappears — unless voters renew it.
  3. Health benefits are in a side agreement (MOU), not your contract — making them less secure and easier to change.

SFUSD receives approximately $104M/year from two voter-approved parcel taxes:

TaxAnnual RevenueExpiresStatus
QTEA (Prop A, 2008)~$50.6M/yearJune 30, 2028FY22-23 audit 3 YEARS DELINQUENT SFUSD QTEA page
PEEF/FWEA (Prop J, 2020)~$53.7M/year2038FY24-25 report not published
QTEA compliance audit for FY 2022-23 is nearly 3 years delinquent—still listed as "Coming Soon" on the SFUSD website. Voters approved QTEA specifically to fund teacher compensation. SFUSD QTEA page (audit listed as "Coming Soon")

Healthcare Cost Reality

Kaiser Employee+2 Total Monthly Premium

From SFHSS rate cards filed with the district: 2024 2025 2026

Plan YearTotal Monthly CostEmployee Pays (Biweekly)SFUSD Pays (Biweekly)
2024$2,349/mo$189.58$899.40
2025$2,489/mo$185.26$962.59
2026$2,733/mo$216.16$1,045.25
$33.2M
Active Employee Healthcare/yr
$34.4M
Retiree Healthcare (OPEB pay-as-you-go)/yr
$3.6B
OPEB Unfunded Actuarial Liability

UESF demands $14M/year for fully funded family healthcare. The district estimates the cost at $11M/year. PDF

About this vendor data: The spending figures above come from 196 pages of district check registers — the first vendor payment data SFUSD has ever published, despite California Education Code §42643 requiring a public warrant register. Other districts (Redwood City, Newark) publish theirs routinely on BoardDocs. SFUSD chose not to until July 2025.
View All Warrant Source PDFs →
4

Where the Money Is

The Maximum Salary Argument

Working from the PERB benchmark of $10.17M per 1% raise for all employees: PDF

Funding SourceAnnual $ AvailableRaises FundedConfidence
Cut admin spending to peer median (50% of gap)$61M6.0%HIGH
Reduce consultant/contractor spending$15–25M1.5–2.5%HIGH
EMPowerSF waste recovery (ongoing costs)$3–5M/yr0.3–0.5%MEDIUM
Fund balance surplus (recurring pattern)$15–25Mone-time bonusHIGH
Parcel tax for health benefits (MOU)$14Mfrees salary potHIGH
School consolidation savings (phased)$10–25M1.0–2.5%MEDIUM
Bond fund cost absorption$5–10M0.5–1.0%MEDIUM
Conservative Total$123M~12.1%
Optimistic Total$175M~17.2%

Actionable Savings: $111 Million

Not all the spending documented above is cuttable. This section separates sunk costs (money already spent), actionable savings (contracts that could be cut or renegotiated), and structural changes (require policy decisions but are real). Every estimate includes a confidence level, timeframe, and trade-off assessment.

Sunk Costs (Context, Not Savings)

EMPowerSF $33.7M — Already spent. Cannot recover. But the ongoing Frontline costs (~$2.7M/yr) are still flowing, and the pattern of failed IT procurement is actionable.
Past budget projection misses — Can't recover past surpluses, but the documented pattern proves that current "we're broke" projections are unreliable.

"Fund the Raises" Calculator

Realistic, conservative estimates of what could be redirected to fund raises, with honest assessments of trade-offs: PERB BLA Warrants

SourceAnnual SavingsConfidenceTimeframeWhat It Takes
Reduce healthcare staffing agencies by 50% (hire permanent) $8,435,283 PERB recommended 1-2 years Hiring + onboarding permanent speech pathologists, nurses, therapists
Reduce IT consulting by 60% (post-EMPowerSF stabilization) $11,545,341 BLA flagged 2023 1 year Internal IT capacity building, completing Frontline transition
Shift after-school programs to restricted funds where eligible $9,422,334 Staff analysis 1 year Grant writing + fund coding review. Many programs eligible for ASES, 21st CCLC, Title I funds.
Renegotiate transportation contract $5,756,101 Staff analysis Next RFP cycle Competitive bidding, route optimization, potential in-house fleet
Use fund balance surplus (documented recurring pattern) $20,000,000 Staff analysis Immediate Political will. District consistently ends with $80-170M more than projected.
Cut admin FTEs to peer median (phased, ~200 positions) $56,097,046 BLA documented 2-3 years Attrition + reorganization. BLA found 220 central FTEs/10K students vs 138 median.
Conservative Total $111,256,105 = 10.9% raises for all employees
Bottom line: Even the conservative estimate of $111M (10.9% raises) exceeds UESF's 9% certificated salary demand. The question is not "Can SFUSD afford raises?" — it's "Why does SFUSD choose to spend money on administration, failed IT projects, and consultants instead of the people who teach children?"

Vendor Analysis: Key Findings

$52.3M in previously unclassified spending is now categorized. What the district called "Other" actually breaks down into identifiable, actionable categories — many with significant savings potential.
$7.7M
Cuttable
IT consulting bloat
$10.1M
Reducible
Staffing agencies → permanent
$12.5M
Fund-Shiftable
Move to grants/restricted funds
$19.4M
Renegotiable
Competitive rebid opportunity

Notable Findings

  • Protiviti ($5.5M) — Robert Half subsidiary doing management consulting. This is pure overhead that a functional admin could handle internally. CUTTABLE
  • SAP Public Services ($1.1M) — Still receiving payments despite the failed $33.7M EMPowerSF system being replaced by Frontline. Why is SAP still getting paid? CUTTABLE
  • Syntex Global ($610K) — Another IT consulting firm layered on top of Galaxy Solutions, Infosys, and Protiviti. CUTTABLE
  • Healthcare staffing ($4.8M from unknown vendors alone) — Pioneer, Stepping Stones, RCM, Sunbelt — these are on top of the $16.9M already identified. Total healthcare staffing spend approaches $22M. Permanent hires at $150K/FTE = 146 positions. REDUCIBLE
  • After-school programs ($9.4M reclassified) — Boys & Girls Clubs, Richmond Neighborhood Center, Telegraph Hill, RAMS — many of these are eligible for ASES/21st CCLC/Title I grant funding. FUND-SHIFTABLE
  • Sunset Scavenger/Recology ($3.1M) — As the sole waste hauler in SF, this is a monopoly price. A competitive review or inter-district cooperative purchasing could yield 15-20% savings. RENEGOTIABLE

Updated Savings Potential

CategoryTotal SpendPotential SavingsMechanism
IT Consulting (total)$20.0M$12.0M60% cut post-EMPowerSF
Healthcare Staffing (total)$21.7M$10.9M50% convert to permanent hires
After-School Programs (total)$46.2M$11.5M25% shift to restricted funds
Facilities/Operations$6.7M$1.3MCompetitive rebid (20%)
Ed-Tech/Curriculum$3.8M$0.8MLicense renegotiation (20%)
Additional from reclassification$52.3M$30.3MCombined mechanisms
Combined with previously identified savings: The total actionable vendor savings rises from $35.2M to $65.5M per year — more than enough to fund the 9% certificated salary increase ($55.2M) that UESF is requesting.

Vendor Savings Potential Assessment

Each vendor over $500K has been assessed for savings potential:

Salary Comparison

Salary spending as a percentage of total expenditures (FY2024-25 SACS budget data): CDE SACS Data

DistrictCert. SalariesClass. SalariesTotal Expend.Salary %
San Diego Unified $1,585.8M $615.9M $3,947.6M 55.8%
San Francisco Unified $975.8M $442.8M $2,661.0M 53.3%
Los Angeles Unified $8,036.6M $3,051.9M $21,560.6M 51.4%
Long Beach Unified $1,022.5M $288.8M $2,600.2M 50.4%
San Jose Unified $371.9M $124.4M $990.2M 50.1%
Sacramento City Unified $616.9M $183.0M $1,632.3M 49.0%
Fresno Unified $1,185.6M $448.0M $3,438.3M 47.5%
Oakland Unified $545.6M $263.7M $1,794.3M 45.1%

SFUSD's salary percentage (53.3%) is above average—but the issue is where non-salary money goes. SFUSD sends a disproportionate share to admin overhead and outside consultants rather than direct student services.

FY2025-26 Expenditure Breakdown

From the December 2025 Fiscal Stabilization Plan (~$1.3B total): PDF

CategoryAmount% of Total
Instruction$751.8M58%
Student Services$198.4M15%
Instruction-related$150.8M12%
Building & Grounds$116.0M9%
General Administration$72.2M6%
Ancillary$6.8M1%
Other Outgo$4.3M<1%

Note: The FSP "General Administration" ($72.2M / 6%) uses a narrower definition than SACS function-level data. When all admin-coded functions are counted, the total is $402.8M / 15.1%. Fiscal Stabilization Plan

Function-Level Breakdown

Top General Fund spending categories from the statewide SACS extract. Items marked [ADMIN] are included in the administrative spending calculation. CDE SACS Data

CodeFunctionAmount
1000Instruction$1,202.4M
2100Instructional Supervision & Administration$172.8MADMIN
2700School Administration$122.0M
8200Operations$95.8M
3130Attendance and Social Work$89.8M
1120SpEd: Resource Specialist$81.8M
3600Pupil Transportation$81.5M
1110SpEd: Separate Classes$80.3M
7400Personnel/Human Resources$75.7MADMIN
1190SpEd: Other Specialized$65.5M
7700Centralized Data Processing$58.2MADMIN
3110Guidance and Counseling$49.8M
1180SpEd: Nonpublic Agencies/Schools$48.0M
1130SpEd: Supplemental in Regular$45.0M
3140Health Services$39.0M
3120Psychological Services$38.6M
3150Speech Pathology and Audiology$34.1M
8400Other Plant Maintenance & Operations$30.2M
2420Instructional Library, Media & Technology$29.7M
7150Superintendent$29.2MADMIN

Governance & Transparency Failures

IssueDetail
Late Audit (FY 2021-22)Annual audit approved two years late (March 2024) PDF
Late Audit (FY 2022-23)Submitted late to CDE PDF
FCMAT Risk AssessmentFound: no position control, contra accounts used improperly, budget monitoring failures PDF
Negative CertificationMay 2024 Source
QTEA FY22-23 AuditNearly 3 years delinquent—"Coming Soon" on website SFUSD QTEA page
PEEF FY24-25 ReportNot yet published (required by ballot measure)
A district that can't account for 53% of its per-pupil spending, misses its own budget projections by $100M+, got a "lack of going concern" designation, and can't produce a required compliance audit for a $50M/year parcel tax doesn't have credibility on affordability claims.

The financial evidence is clear.

What follows is how to use it — the precedents, the legal tools, and the strategy for winning.

5

This Has Happened Before

SFUSD's playbook — replacing enforceable caps with "goals," offering below-inflation raises, carving benefits out of the contract — is not new. Here's what happened when other urban districts tried the same things.

UTLA — Los Angeles
2019 • 6-day strike
District offered
6% raise over 2 years. Keep "Section 1.5" escape valve — a clause that let LAUSD ignore class size caps whenever it chose to.
Union won
6% raise (3%+3%), elimination of Section 1.5, hard enforceable class size caps, class sizes reduced by 4 students over 3 years, 300 nurses, librarians at every secondary school.
SFUSD parallel: SFUSD's proposal to replace class size "caps" with "goals" is the same tactic as LAUSD's Section 1.5. UTLA won its elimination — making all limits enforceable again.
Strategy: "Bargaining for the Common Good" — framed class size as a student issue. Built deep coalition with parents and community groups.
CTU — Chicago
2019 • 11-day strike
District offered
Modest raises. Sanctuary protections as a non-binding board resolution. No housing support.
Union won
16% raises over 5 years, sanctuary protections written INTO the contract (not a resolution), dedicated support staff for homeless students, first-ever enforceable class size caps, more nurses and social workers.
SFUSD parallel: SFUSD is offering sanctuary as a "joint resolution" outside the CBA — exactly what CPS tried. CTU rejected that and won enforceable contract language. CTU also won homeless student support — directly parallel to UESF's Stay-Over Program demand.
Strategy: Aggressive public messaging + BCG framework. Framed demands as "what our students deserve." Built ICE-free schools into contract.
OEA — Oakland
2019 • 7-day strike
District offered
5% raise. District claimed fiscal distress — small urban district with budget problems.
Union won
11% raises over 4 years + 3% bonus, class size reductions, first-ever caseload caps for psychologists and speech pathologists. The fact-finding panel had recommended 6% — the union rejected it, struck, and won MORE.
SFUSD parallel: Oakland is the closest structural comp — a small urban California district claiming it can't afford better. OEA proved a well-supported strike changes the math. They also won SpEd caseload gains, directly relevant to UESF's workload demands.
Strategy: Rejected the fact-finding report, struck, and won more than the neutral panel recommended.

What the Fact-Finding Panel Found

The district wants you to treat the independent fact-finding panel's report as the final word. It isn't. Here's what the national precedent shows — and what the SFUSD panel actually said that favors the union.

National pattern

Unions That Rejected Fact-Finding Won More

CTU / Chicago has rejected every fact-finding report since 2012 — and won better deals every time. In their most recent round (2024-25), CTU attorney Latoyia Kimbrough called it "the best fact-finding report we've received" while still formally rejecting it. Why? Because accepting locks you in. Rejecting preserves leverage.

Oakland OEA (2019) rejected the fact-finding panel's 6% recommendation, went on strike, and won 11% raises over 4 years — nearly double what the panel suggested.

What the SFUSD panel actually said

Findings That Favor UESF

  • The panel recommended 3% per year for 2 years — that's more per year than the district's 2% per year for 3 years. Even the neutral panel says the district should pay more per year.
  • The panel endorsed the parcel tax bridge for health benefits — validating the funding mechanism UESF has proposed.
  • The panel called the district's finances "precarious" — but still recommended raises, implicitly confirming that some raises are affordable even in the current environment.
Key takeaway

CTU's Playbook: Cherry-Pick and Reject

CTU's 2024-25 strategy was to reject the report formally (starting the 30-day strike clock) while publicly citing every favorable finding. Deputy counsel Thad Goodchild declared the report "exploded the myth that CPS can't afford to put more resources into schools." They expanded bargaining to include Board member participation in negotiations and parent townhalls — reframing from a financial debate to a "priorities" debate.

UESF should do the same: reject the report to preserve flexibility, but quote the panel's 3%/year recommendation and its validation of parcel tax funding in every public statement.

6

UESF's Leverage Right Now

This isn't just a teacher strike. The alignment of forces right now is historically unprecedented — and the math overwhelmingly favors the union.

Three-union solidarity — a complete school system shutdown

UESF
Strike authorized
Teachers & classified staff
UAS (Administrators)
Potentially the first administrator strike in California history. Schools cannot open without principals.
SEIU 1021
Clerks, janitors & facilities staff. No custodial, clerical, or facilities support.
Context

SF Labor Council Endorsement

The San Francisco Labor Council (representing 100,000+ workers) has formally endorsed the strike. This is not just an education fight — it's the entire organized labor movement in San Francisco standing behind UESF.

The retention crisis — by the numbers

Educator vacancies reported by UESF
Classroom vacancies on the first day of the 2023-24 school year
Starting teacher salary in a city where median household income is ~$127K
Share of starting salary spent on rent (30% is "affordable")
Strike cost to district
$7–10Mper day in lost funding & ongoing costs
A 5-day strike costs the district $35–50M — more than the cost of meeting many of UESF's demands.
Parent support
Strongpolling & reporting
Parents dismiss the district's financial crisis framing. The cost-of-living argument resonates powerfully in San Francisco.
Parcel tax leverage
QTEArenewal needed by 2028
The district desperately needs voter renewal of QTEA. UESF can offer to actively campaign for renewal in exchange for better contract terms — enormous value to the district at no cost to the union.
!

The BCG Playbook They're Running

"Bargaining for the Common Good" (BCG) is the framework that powered the wins in LA, Chicago, and Oakland. The core idea: every union demand is reframed as a student and family issue. This isn't spin — it's the truth. When teachers can afford to stay, students get stability. When class sizes are manageable, every child gets attention. When the contract protects sanctuary, vulnerable families are safer.

Union demand What it means for students & families
Higher wages Teacher retention = student stability. Kids deserve teachers who stay year after year. When teachers leave because they can't afford SF, students lose continuity, mentorship, and institutional knowledge.
Healthcare in the CBA Teachers shouldn't choose between their family's health and the classroom. Secure benefits mean teachers can focus on teaching, not on whether they can afford their child's doctor visit.
Enforceable class size caps Every child deserves individual attention. When a teacher has 35 students instead of 25, every child gets less feedback, less support, and less connection.
Sanctuary in the contract Protect our most vulnerable students with enforceable rights. A board resolution can be rescinded on a Tuesday. Contract language means real protection that families can count on.
SpEd reform (district-wide) Every student with a disability deserves a manageable caseload. When one SpEd teacher handles 28 students, none of them get the individualized support the law guarantees them.
Stay-Over Program No child should lose shelter because of bureaucracy. Protecting the Stay-Over Program means unhoused students and families don't fall through the cracks during school closures.

Talking points for picket lines, media & parent conversations

Lead with students, not salaries. "We're striking because our students deserve teachers who can afford to stay, classes small enough to learn in, and a school that protects every family."
Name the real cost. "The district says it can't afford smaller classes. But it can afford to lose $7–10 million a day in a strike. This is about priorities, not money."
Make "goals vs. caps" concrete. "Right now, if your child's class exceeds the limit, I can file a grievance. Under the district's proposal, I can file a report that goes in a drawer."
Cite the neutral panel. "Even the independent fact-finding panel says the district should pay more per year than they're currently offering. We're not asking for something radical — we're asking for what the neutral experts recommended."
Connect to families. "This is the same fight parents are fighting. You can't afford to live here, and neither can we. That's why we're standing together."
8

Know Your Opponent

To win, you need to understand the district's strongest case — not a caricature of it. What follows is an honest steelman of 7 district arguments, presented with genuine force, followed by sourced rebuttals that explain why the union's position wins on facts and precedent.

District argument #1

"We Genuinely Cannot Afford It"

The strongest version: SFUSD projects deficits of $51M in 2025-26, $32M in 2026-27, and $19M in 2027-28. Enrollment has declined to under 50,000 students, reducing per-pupil state funding under LCFF. The district is under state fiscal oversight with CDE-appointed fiscal advisors. This isn't posturing — it's a structural problem shared by urban districts across California.

Union rebuttal

The Fact-Finder Reviewed the Same Data — and Recommended More

The independent fact-finding panel had full access to SFUSD's financial data and still recommended 3% per year — more per year than the district's 2%. When Oakland OEA struck in 2019, the district also claimed fiscal distress — OEA's budget analysis challenged those claims and the union won 11% over 4 years. A 2023 Budget & Legislative Analyst audit found SFUSD spent 25% of its operating budget on central administration — compared to a peer-district median of 18%. "Can't afford" is a political choice about priorities, not an accounting fact.

District argument #2

"Trigger Language Protects Everyone"

The strongest version: Making the Year 3 raise conditional on fiscal benchmarks is responsible stewardship. If revenues fall short, the district faces state receivership — which would strip the union of its bargaining rights entirely. Trigger language is a safety valve that prevents the worst-case scenario for both sides.

Union rebuttal

The District Controls the Benchmarks

In practice, the district controls the benchmarks. Budget projections are internally generated and routinely revised. A trigger conditioned on district-controlled fiscal metrics is an escape hatch, not a safety valve. Under EERA (Gov Code 3543.2), wages are a mandatory subject of bargaining — making them contingent on unilateral fiscal determinations undermines the statutory purpose of collective bargaining. The fact-finder recommended unconditional raises at a higher per-year rate.

District argument #3

"Goals Are More Flexible Than Caps"

The strongest version: Rigid class size caps prevent principals from making common-sense decisions. A school might benefit from one larger art class to fund a smaller intervention group. "Goals" give site administrators the flexibility to optimize for student outcomes rather than enforcing arbitrary numbers.

Union rebuttal

"Goal" Has No Grievance Mechanism — UTLA Won on This Exact Issue

Flexibility sounds reasonable until you see what happens in practice: without enforceable caps, classes balloon to 35+ students and teachers have no remedy. UTLA won the elimination of LAUSD's identical "Section 1.5" escape clause in their 2019 strike — a provision that let the district ignore caps whenever it chose. The result wasn't rigidity; it was accountability. Principals retained the ability to request waivers through the union — but the default was protection. State law (Ed Code 41376) only sets a floor of 30-33 students. Without contract caps, that floor becomes the ceiling.

District argument #4

"The Side MOU Is Legally Equivalent"

The strongest version: A Memorandum of Understanding is a binding agreement between the parties, just like the CBA. Placing health benefits in a side MOU allows for faster modification as health plan options change, without reopening the entire contract. This benefits both sides with administrative efficiency.

Union rebuttal

MOUs Expire Independently and Are Easier to Modify

While technically binding, a side MOU expires on its own timeline, can be modified without full contract bargaining, and lacks the procedural protections of CBA language. PERB Decision 2475E (Raines v. UTLA) found that side letters modifying collectively bargained rights without proper member notice raise duty of fair representation concerns. Health benefits representing thousands of dollars in compensation belong in the main contract where they carry full grievance rights, ratification requirements, and cannot be altered without reopener procedures.

District argument #5

"We're Protecting the Public's Fiscal Investment"

The strongest version: San Francisco voters entrusted the district with hundreds of millions in parcel tax revenue. The board has a fiduciary duty to allocate those funds responsibly across all needs — facilities, student services, technology, safety — not to commit them entirely to compensation. Fiscal responsibility isn't anti-teacher; it's pro-student.

Union rebuttal

Voters Passed Parcel Taxes for Educator Compensation

QTEA (Prop A, 2008) and FWEA (Prop J, 2020) were championed by the union and passed with UESF members walking precincts and phone banking to fund educator compensation. Voters approved them knowing the money would go to teachers and staff. Using "fiscal responsibility" to redirect funds voters earmarked for compensation is not protecting the public's investment — it's subverting it. And QTEA expires in June 2028 — the district needs UESF's active support for renewal.

District argument #6

"A Strike Hurts Students the Most"

The strongest version: Every day of a strike is a day of lost instruction. For low-income students who depend on school meals, for students with disabilities who need services, for families without childcare alternatives — a strike imposes real, immediate harm on the most vulnerable. The adults in the room should find a way to settle without putting children in the middle.

Union rebuttal

400 Unfilled Vacancies Hurt Students Every Day

~400 educator vacancies mean students already face classrooms without permanent teachers — every day, not just during a strike. A short strike to secure sustainable compensation, enforceable class sizes, and SpEd reform prevents the ongoing, chronic harm of teacher attrition, overcrowded classrooms, and inadequate special education. Legally, County Sanitation v. LA County Employees, 38 Cal.3d 564 (1985) established that education disruption does not meet the "substantial, imminent threat to public health and safety" standard required to enjoin a public employee strike. The courts recognize that short-term disruption is the price of long-term institutional improvement.

District argument #7

"Declining Enrollment Means Less Revenue"

The strongest version: SFUSD has lost thousands of students over the past decade. Under California's Local Control Funding Formula, fewer students means less state money. This is a structural constraint that no amount of bargaining can overcome — the district cannot spend money it doesn't receive.

Union rebuttal

Enrollment Decline Is Caused by the Conditions the Union Is Trying to Fix

Families are leaving SFUSD because of the problems the union is bargaining to solve: persistent teacher shortages, overcrowded classrooms, inadequate special education services, and a district that struggles to compete with neighboring districts and private schools on teacher quality. Accepting the district's proposal — below-inflation raises, weakened class size protections — would accelerate enrollment decline by making SFUSD even less competitive. The union's demands are the enrollment recovery plan.

§

The Constitutional Case for Striking

Both the district and the union have legitimate philosophical frameworks. Understanding them reveals why the union's position is not just tactically stronger but constitutionally grounded.

The district's framework

Fiscal Sovereignty — The Competing Factions Argument

The district's strongest constitutional argument is about competing interests. An elected school board must balance competing demands from multiple stakeholders: unions, parents, taxpayers, students with disabilities, community groups. The democratic design of school governance assumes no single interest group should dominate — elected representatives exist to mediate between competing claims on limited resources. The union, under this theory, is one faction among many.

State fiscal oversight exists precisely to prevent any single interest group from driving a district into insolvency. The board's fiduciary duty runs to all students and taxpayers, not just to the employees it bargains with.

The union's framework

Labor Rights as Fundamental Rights — The Democratic Channel

The California Constitution, Article IX, Section 5 mandates a system of free public schools. The Educational Employment Relations Act (EERA) codifies collective bargaining as the democratic channel for workers within public institutions.

The whole point of democratic institutions is that competing interests get channeled through structured processes, not suppressed. Collective bargaining is that process. When the district refuses to bargain in good faith or attempts to hollow out contract protections, it is not acting as a neutral mediator between factions — it is acting as the dominant faction itself, using institutional power to suppress a competing voice.

"Fiscal constraint" is a political choice, not an immutable fact. The same district that claims it cannot afford 3% raises was found by a 2023 audit to spend 25% of its budget on central administration — nearly 40% more than peer districts.

Synthesis

Why the Union's Argument Wins

The district's competing-factions argument collapses because the fiscal constraint is partially self-imposed (administrative bloat, consultant spending) and partially a state funding failure that the union is also fighting to fix. The union's argument prevails because it aligns worker interest with the public good — the core insight of the Bargaining for the Common Good framework. When teachers demand livable wages, students get stability. When the union demands enforceable caps, every child gets attention. This is not one faction seeking advantage — it is the workforce that delivers public education demanding the conditions necessary to do so.

9

Winning the Public Fight

Here is how experienced labor lawyers actually negotiate — the specific named tactics the district is likely to deploy, and the counter-moves that neutralize each one.

Opening principle

"Never Negotiate Against Yourself"

Every district demand — eliminating AP preps, sabbaticals, department head stipends, converting class size caps — is a concession the union can trade at a price. Do not simply reject these items. Instead, assign each one a value and use them as currency. "You want to eliminate sabbaticals? That costs you an extra 0.5% on salary." The district's takeaway proposals are, paradoxically, union bargaining chips.

District tactic

1. The Package Deal

Present the entire proposal as a single take-it-or-leave-it package. "This is our comprehensive offer — everything is interconnected." Forces the union to accept unpalatable items to get the pieces it wants.

Union counter

Unbundle — Item-by-Item Bargaining

Insist on negotiating each item separately. Under EERA, the union has the right to bargain over each mandatory subject individually. A "package deal" is a negotiating choice, not a legal requirement.

District tactic

2. The False Deadline

"We need to reach agreement by [date] or we'll have to implement our last offer." Creates artificial urgency to force concessions under time pressure.

Union counter

Call the Bluff — No Legal Deadline Exists

There is no statutory deadline for reaching agreement. Under Gov Code 3548.2, implementation requires completing all impasse procedures. Premature implementation is a per se ULP under PERB 0206E.

District tactic

3. Budget Opacity

"We can't share detailed financials — it's complicated. Trust our projections." Uses complexity to avoid scrutiny of spending priorities.

Union counter

EERA Information Requests + Joint Audit Demand

Under EERA, the union has a right to financial information relevant to bargaining. File formal information requests for: all consultant contracts over $50K, administrative compensation schedules, reserve fund balances, and enrollment projection methodology. Demand a joint audit by an independent CPA.

District tactic

4. Administrative Sympathy

Bring sympathetic principals and administrators to testify about how the union's demands would force cuts to their schools. Personalizes the fiscal argument.

Union counter

UAS Already Answered This

The United Administrators of San Francisco voted for a sympathy strike — potentially the first administrator strike in California history. When the principals themselves say the union is right, the "administrative sympathy" play collapses.

District tactic

5. The Mediator Play

"Let's go back to mediation. A fresh mediator might help us find common ground." Designed to reset the clock and delay the strike timeline.

Union counter

Refuse — Impasse Process Is Exhausted

The statutory impasse process — mediation, then fact-finding — is complete. There is no legal requirement to re-mediate. Re-mediation is a delay tactic that allows the district to run out the school year without a strike. The union's leverage increases as the strike date approaches.

District tactic

6. Splitting the Coalition

Offer better terms to one union (e.g., classified-specific raises for SEIU) to break the three-union solidarity pact. Divide and settle separately.

Union counter

Three-Union Solidarity Pact

UESF, UAS, and SEIU 1021 have publicly committed to coordinated action. No individual union settles without all three reaching acceptable terms. This commitment must be formalized in writing between the unions. A split coalition loses; a unified coalition is historically unbeatable.

District tactic

7. Takeaway Proposals as "Modernization"

Frame elimination of AP preps, sabbaticals, and dept head stipends as "modernizing the contract" and "removing outdated provisions."

Union counter

Concession Trade — Sell Them Back at a Price

Package every district takeaway demand as a high-value concession. "You want sabbaticals? That costs an extra 0.5% on salary. You want AP preps? That's worth enforceable class size caps." Never give anything away for free. The district's takeaway proposals are the union's bargaining chips.

District tactic

8. Closed-Door Bargaining

"What's said at the table stays at the table." Insists on confidentiality to prevent public pressure and maintain information asymmetry.

Union counter

Radical Transparency

Make all union proposals public immediately. Post every bargaining session update to the UESF website. Transparency locks the district into positions — they can't quietly walk back public commitments. The district benefits from secrecy; the union benefits from sunlight.

Settlement Targets — What the Final Deal Should Include

Based on precedent from CTU, UTLA, and OEA settlements:

  • 3% per year minimum — matching the fact-finder's recommendation and the UTLA/OEA precedent
  • Health benefits in the CBA, not a side MOU — with full grievance rights and ratification requirements
  • Class size caps preserved with enforceable grievance mechanisms — no conversion to "goals"
  • Sanctuary protections in the CBA — modeled on CTU Articles 46-7
  • District-wide SpEd workload plan — not a 5-school pilot, consistent with AB 560 mandates
  • No-reprisal clause with PERB enforcement for all strike participants across all three unions
  • Retroactive pay for strike days — following the CTU precedent
  • Stay-Over Program protections in contract language

The Press War

The district has a predictable media playbook. Here are the four frames they'll deploy, followed by the union's superior messaging strategy.

District's predicted media frames

"Fiscal Responsibility"
The frame: "We are being responsible stewards of taxpayer money in a time of declining enrollment and budget deficits."

Why it works: Appeals to fiscally conservative voters and editorial boards. Positions the district as the adult in the room.
Counter-Strategy
Reframe as "priorities, not money." The district found money for consultants and administrative positions but not for classroom teachers. "Fiscal responsibility" means investing in the workforce that delivers education, not cutting it. Cite the fact-finder: even the neutral panel said pay more.
"Harm to Students"
The frame: "Every day of a strike is a day our children lose. We urge the union to come back to the table."

Why it works: Emotionally powerful. Makes the union the aggressor and children the victims.
Counter-Strategy
Flip the timeline: "400 vacancies hurt students every day." A short strike to fix systemic problems prevents years of chronic harm. "We are striking for students, not against them. Our demands ARE the student welfare agenda." Every teacher who leaves because they can't afford San Francisco is a year of disruption for those students.
"Generous Offer"
The frame: "We've offered 6% raises and health benefits. The union rejected a good-faith offer."

Why it works: 6% sounds generous to the public. Health benefits sound like a major concession.
Counter-Strategy
Break the numbers: "6% over 3 years is 2% per year — below inflation." Bay Area CPI has exceeded 2% in recent years. The "generous" offer is a real-wage cut. And the health benefits are in a side MOU funded by a parcel tax that expires in 2028 — a benefit built on disappearing money that the district can modify at will.
"Union Extremism"
The frame: "The union leadership is pushing a radical agenda that goes far beyond bread-and-butter issues."

Why it works: Attempts to isolate union leadership from moderate members and the public.
Counter-Strategy
Lead with the number: "97.6% of members authorized this strike." This is not a radical fringe — it is near-unanimous. When teachers, principals, and custodians all agree the district's offer is inadequate, the problem isn't the employees. Three unions, 97.6% authorization, SF Labor Council endorsement — call it what it is: consensus.

The union's 7 key messages

The 97.6% number: "This isn't a radical fringe — 97.6% of members voted to authorize. That's near-unanimous. When nearly every educator in the district agrees, listen."
$79K vs. $127K: "A starting teacher makes $79,000 in a city where the median household income is $127,000. We're asking teachers to educate your children on poverty wages in America's most expensive city."
Three-union solidarity: "When every type of employee — teachers, principals, custodians, clerks — agrees the offer is inadequate, the problem isn't the employees. It's the offer."
Fact-finder quote: "Even the independent, neutral fact-finding panel says the district should pay more per year than they're offering. We're not asking for something radical — we're asking for what the experts recommended."
Goals vs. caps soundbite: "Right now, if your child's class is overcrowded, I can file a grievance and get a fix. Under the district's proposal, I can file a report that goes in a drawer."
Sanctuary: "The district is offering a promise any future board can break. We're demanding a guarantee that protects our most vulnerable students with enforceable contract rights."
Parent alliance: "This is the same fight parents are fighting. You can't afford to live here, and neither can we. When teachers leave because they can't pay rent, your child loses their teacher. That's why we're standing together."

Op-ed frameworks — ready to adapt for Chronicle, Mission Local, KQED

Framework 1

The Teacher's Voice

Personal narrative from a SFUSD educator. Open with: specific moment when you realized you couldn't afford to stay. Middle: what your students lose when teachers leave. Close: "I'm not striking for myself — I'm striking so my students have a teacher next year." Best for: Chronicle, KQED Forum

Framework 2

The Parent's Voice

Written by a parent, ideally from a Title I school. Open with: how many teachers your child has lost to turnover. Middle: what class size and SpEd support mean for your family. Close: "I support the strike because it's the same fight I'm fighting as a parent." Best for: Mission Local, 48 Hills

Framework 3

The Data-Driven Analysis

Written by a policy analyst, economist, or school board ally. Open with: $79K vs. $127K comparison. Middle: compare SFUSD spending on consultants vs. classrooms; cite fact-finder recommendations. Close: "The money exists. It's a question of priorities." Best for: Chronicle editorial board, KQED news analysis

Rebuttal Quick-Reference

Rapid-fire rebuttals for picket lines, media interviews, and parent conversations. Every response cites a specific source.

They Say… The Facts…
"We offered 6% raises" 6% over 3 years is 2%/year — below Bay Area inflation. The fact-finder recommended 3%/year, and Year 3 has trigger language that may never pay out.
"We can't afford more" The neutral fact-finding panel reviewed the same financial data and recommended higher raises. Oakland claimed the same in 2019 — then settled for 11%.
"Goals are just as good as caps" A "goal" has no grievance mechanism. UTLA struck to eliminate the identical escape clause (Section 1.5) and won enforceable caps.
"The side MOU is binding" An MOU expires independently and is easier to modify. PERB 2475E flags fair representation issues with side agreements that modify collectively bargained rights.
"Sanctuary is already covered by state law" AB 699 sets a floor, not a ceiling. A board resolution can be rescinded any Tuesday. CTU put sanctuary in the contract (Art. 46-7) — enforceable with grievance rights.
"A strike hurts kids" 400 unfilled vacancies hurt kids every day. A short strike to fix systemic problems prevents years of chronic harm.
"The union is being unreasonable" 97.6% authorization. Three unions. SF Labor Council endorsement. When everyone agrees, the problem isn't the employees.
"We offered health benefits" Funded by a parcel tax (QTEA) that expires June 2028 and placed in a side MOU instead of the contract. That's a benefit built on disappearing money in a document with fewer protections.
"The fact-finder sided with the district" The fact-finder recommended 3%/year for 2 years — more per year than the district's 2%, over a shorter period. The panel endorsed the parcel tax bridge. The district's offer falls below the neutral recommendation.
"The SpEd pilot is a good start" AB 560 mandates district-wide SpEd workload equity. A 5-school pilot to "evaluate effectiveness" of what the state already requires is delay, not progress.
"Enrollment is declining" Families leave because of teacher shortages, overcrowded classes, and inadequate services. Accepting below-inflation wages accelerates the decline. The union's demands ARE the enrollment recovery plan.
"Strikes are illegal" Public employee strikes in California are legal after impasse procedures are exhausted. County Sanitation (1985) established that education disruption does not meet the injunction standard.
"We'll implement our last offer" Implementation before completing all impasse procedures is a per se ULP under PERB 0206E (Moreno Valley). PERB can order rescission of all unilateral changes.
"Teachers make good money" Starting salary: $79K. City median household income: $127K. 47% of starting salary goes to rent. That's not "good money" — that's poverty wages in San Francisco.
"Let's go back to mediation" The statutory impasse process is complete. Re-mediation is a delay tactic with no legal basis. The union's leverage increases as the strike date approaches — delay serves only the district.

At the Table — 5 Arguments You Can Defend

Every claim below is backed by an official document we have on disk. Click PDF links to verify the source yourself. These are not estimates, projections, or news reports — they are board-approved records, independent audits, and the neutral fact-finder's own words.

1
“$20M/year on IT consultants for a failed system”
The numbers: Galaxy Solutions received $7,056,413. Infosys received $5,747,095. Protiviti received $5,550,000. All confirmed in board-approved check registers. Board Check Registers (Jul–Dec 2025)

The official finding: The Budget & Legislative Analyst found in January 2023 that the EMPowerSF system drove a $13M (28%) increase in Centralized Data Processing costs — and the system was ultimately abandoned. PDF
When they say “modernization”

The BLA already called it bloat. The system was abandoned after $33.7M spent. The replacement (Frontline, $2.7M/yr) is still flowing. A “modernization” that costs $33.7M and doesn't work is not an investment — it's a sunk cost that proves the district cannot manage IT procurement.

2
“Replace healthcare staffing agencies with permanent hires”
The numbers: SFUSD paid $21.7M to 26 healthcare staffing vendors in the check register period. That includes speech pathologists, nurses, occupational therapists, and behavioral health specialists. Board Check Registers (Jul–Dec 2025)

The official finding: The PERB fact-finding panel explicitly stated: “The District must continue to reduce its reliance on outside consultants and thus reallocate the contracting out funds to programs that directly benefit their employees.” PDF
When they say “we can't find staff”

At agency markup rates, permanent positions are cheaper. If the district paid $21.7M to staffing agencies, that's equivalent to ~145 permanent positions at $150K/year (salary + benefits). The agencies are finding people to fill these roles — the district just isn't hiring them directly.

3
“Admin spending 39% above peer median”
The numbers: SFUSD spends 15.1% of its General Fund on administrative functions vs. a ~10.9% peer median. That's $402.8M in admin-coded SACS functions. The BLA found 220 central admin FTEs per 10,000 students vs. a peer median of 138. PDF

Source: CDE SACS FY2024-25 statewide extract (budget data) and BLA Central Admin Staffing Report, January 2023.
When they say “SF cost of living”

Oakland spends 7.8% on admin. San Jose: 11.8%. San Diego: 8.0%. All high cost-of-living districts. The cost-of-living argument explains higher salaries, not higher admin headcount. SFUSD has 60% more admin FTEs per student than the median — that's a staffing choice, not a cost-of-living effect.

4
“Budget projections are systematically wrong”
The numbers: In FY2022-23, SFUSD projected an ending fund balance of $307M. The actual was $413M — a $106M miss. This pattern of underestimating revenue and overestimating costs repeats across fiscal years, creating $80–170M “surprise” surpluses. PDF

The official finding: SFUSD received a negative fiscal certification in May 2024 — the state's determination that the district may not meet its financial obligations. A district that can't project its own finances doesn't have credibility on affordability claims. Source
When they say “conservative by design”

$80–170M misses are not “conservative” — they're unreliable. Combined with the negative certification, late audits (FY2021-22 approved two years late), and FCMAT findings of no position control and improper contra accounts, the pattern is clear: the district's financial projections should not be taken at face value.

5
“The neutral fact-finder says you can afford more”
The recommendation: The PERB fact-finding panel recommended 3% + 3% raises over two years, vs. the district's offer of 2% + 2% over three years. At the PERB benchmark of $10.17M per 1% raise for all employees, the difference is $10.17M/year. PDF

Why it matters: This is not the union's analysis. It's the conclusion of a neutral, state-appointed panel that reviewed the same financial data the district uses to claim it can't afford more. The panel found the money exists.
When they say “non-binding”

True — but the fact-finding report establishes the public record of what a neutral party considers reasonable. If the district rejects a neutral recommendation for higher raises, they carry the burden of explaining why their own numbers are more credible than the state-appointed panel's analysis.

Source verification: Every claim above links to its source document, hosted at santajordan.github.io/sfusd-documents. Source documents include board-approved check registers (OCR verified, 0.29% error rate), the PERB Fact-Finding Report (Feb 2026), BLA Central Admin Staffing Report (Jan 2023), CDE SACS statewide data, and SFUSD fiscal stabilization plans. No claim uses news articles, estimates, or third-party analysis as its primary source.

AI & Tech Spending — Where the Money Goes Instead

While the district claims it cannot afford competitive raises, it has quietly pursued multimillion-dollar AI contracts — one with pricing so sensitive it had to be redacted from public records. This section documents what we know about SFUSD’s AI and technology spending decisions during the 2026 contract fight.

A

The OpenAI Contract

In January 2026, SFUSD’s Technology Service Officer signed a contract with OpenAI for ChatGPT EDU — before the school board voted on it. The contract covered 12,000 users, had its pricing completely redacted, and was pulled from the board agenda after members raised concerns. No payment was ever made.

Timeline of Events

Date Event Source
Jan 22, 2026 Eddie H. Ngo signs OpenAI order form as Technology Service Officer — before any board vote Contract PDF
Jan 26, 2026 OpenAI’s Kevin Mills countersigns the contract Contract PDF
Jan 27, 2026 Board grants Superintendent Su special redaction authority over agenda items Mission Local
Feb 2, 2026 Contract effective start date — 8 days before scheduled board vote Contract PDF
Feb 3, 2026 Board members raise concerns; item removed from agenda Mission Local
Feb 6, 2026 SF Public Press publishes investigation into the contract SF Public Press
Feb 9, 2026 SFUSD teacher strike begins; all schools closed Multiple sources
Feb 10, 2026 Board meeting canceled due to strike — vote never happens BoardDocs
What was signed

ChatGPT EDU for 12,000 Users

OpenAI’s ChatGPT EDU platform. The contract was signed by a Technology Service Officer — not the Superintendent, not the board. The primary contact email listed was a personal Hotmail address (znd_g0@hotmail.com), not an official @sfusd.edu email.

What was hidden

Pricing Completely Redacted

The per-user price, total contract value, and several pages of terms were blacked out from public records. The Superintendent obtained special redaction authority just 5 days before the contract appeared on the agenda. Redaction authority is normally for personal privacy — not contract pricing.

Cost comparison

What Does 12,000 Users of ChatGPT EDU Cost?

San Bernardino City USD signed an unredacted contract with OpenAI: $19/user/month for 500 users ($114,000/year). At that rate, SFUSD’s 12,000-user contract would cost:

12,000 users × $19/month × 12 months = $2,736,000/year

The district claims the deal is “cost-free.” No grant acceptance was on the board agenda. If truly free, it should have been listed as a gift — not buried on a consent calendar with redacted pricing.

San Bernardino contract (unredacted)

Union context

UESF Demanded AI Regulation — The District Said No

In the 2023–24 contract talks, UESF demanded contract language regulating AI use in classrooms. The district rejected that language. Then, during the 2026 strike negotiations — with AI as a central bargaining issue — the district signed an AI contract without consulting the union.

B

Google Workspace & Gemini AI

SFUSD purchases Google Workspace for Education through CDW Government, the largest Google Workspace for Education reseller in North America. On February 3, 2026 — during the strike — Google began rolling out Gemini AI capabilities to all Education Plus customers, meaning SFUSD students and staff gained access to generative AI tools through their existing licenses.

Item Cost
Google Workspace Education Plus (base license) $6/user/year (as of Feb 2026)
Estimated base cost (~59,000 users) ~$354,000/year
Google AI Pro for Education add-on $30/user/month ($360/user/year)
AI Pro at OpenAI-contract scale (12,000 users) ~$4,320,000/year
CDW Government total payments from SFUSD $1,715,566.81
Note: CDW Government sells more than Google Workspace — they also provide Chromebooks, networking equipment, and other software. The $1.7M figure includes all CDW purchases, not just Google licensing. The Google Workspace portion is estimated at $370,000–$410,000/year. Vendor Payment List
$

The Big Picture

Spending Item Annual Cost
OpenAI contract (est. at San Bernardino rate) ~$2,736,000
CDW Government payments (Google, hardware, etc.) $1,715,567
Total identifiable tech vendor spending ~$12,200,000
Cost of 1% raise for all SFUSD employees (PERB benchmark) $10,170,000
Gap: PERB recommendation vs. district offer ~$10,170,000/year
The bottom line

The district claims it can’t afford the raises recommended by a neutral state panel.

Meanwhile, it signed an AI contract with pricing so sensitive it had to be redacted from public records — for a product that duplicates features being added to Google Workspace at no extra cost. The contract was signed before board approval, during a strike, by an officer using a Hotmail address as the primary contact. The $12.2 million in identifiable tech vendor spending could fund a 1% raise for every employee in the district.

Sources: SF Public Press (Feb 6, 2026)Mission Local (Feb 3, 2026)SFUSD-OpenAI Contract (redacted)San Bernardino-OpenAI Contract (unredacted)SFUSD Vendor Payment ListGoogle Workspace Updates (Feb 3, 2026)Google Education Pricing